The third-term HKSAR Government aims to achieve two quantum leaps in our political system. The first element has been triggered by the Green Paper on Constitutional Development issued on July 11.

This delivers one of the key electoral promises of the Chief Executive. The fact that we issued this public-consultation document 11 days after inauguration underlines the Government's commitment to resolve the issue of universal suffrage within the five-year term.

The pursuit of democracy has been debated in our community for over two decades, since partial elections were first introduced to the Legislative Council in 1985. Ten years have passed since the Handover in 1997. It is time to set the course for Hong Kong to attain universal suffrage.

We hope that thereafter candidates standing for Chief Executive and Legislative Council will focus their manifestos on improvements to the economy, social services and livelihood issues - much in the same way as Western politicians run their election campaigns.

By constitutional design of the Basic Law, any changes to our electoral systems require two-thirds majority support in the Legislative Council, consent of the Chief Executive and endorsement by the National People's Congress Standing Committee.

In coming months, universities and think-tanks will conduct independent opinion polls to assess the level of public support for various proposals. Politics is the art of the possible. We need to design a package which stands a good chance of securing tripartite constitutional consensus and majority support among the community.

We have been very open in setting out in the Green Paper all key issues. Options for universal suffrage timetable include: 2012, 2017 or beyond 2017 for the Chief Executive; and 2012, 2016 or beyond 2016 for the Legislative Council.

The Basic Law provides that we should establish 'a broadly representative nominating committee' to nominate Chief Executive candidates 'in accordance with democratic procedures' for universal suffrage election. Many have focused their attention on what constitutes 'democratic procedures'.

We consider that, at this stage, the community should first strive to agree on the number of candidates which the nominating committee should put forth. The public will then have a clearer idea of the scale of the general election. Thereafter, detailed nomination procedures can be discussed and agreed upon.

Legislative Councillors of the opposition camp are concerned that the procedures may prevent their candidates from securing sufficient support. Such concerns are misplaced. The detailed nomination procedures will entail amendments to Annex I of the Basic Law and the Chief Executive Election Ordinance. This can only be achieved with adequate support of the Legislative Council, and in this the opposition will play a critical role.

Another key issue is how the current Functional Constituency elections can be replaced. Aside from the option of using direct elections to replace functional seats, some have proposed allowing functional constituencies to nominate candidates for registered voters to vote members into office.

Those who oppose this proposal question whether this is constitutionally consistent with the Basic Law, as nomination rights will be confined to functional constituencies. Proponents of this model emphasise that allowing all registered voters to cast a vote is sufficiently democratic.

Critics allege that the Green Paper is too complicated. Actually, once the above key issues are resolved, consensus is achievable. The Government's commitment to make universal suffrage a reality is clear. So are the expectations of the community for progress to be made. It is up to political parties and Legislative Councillors to come to a consensual view on the way forward.

The second quantum leap will involve the further development of our political appointment system. Aside from the hardware of electoral arrangements, we also need to develop the software of political talent.

We have plans to put forth, during the second half of 2007, proposals for creating two additional tiers of political appointment: Under-Secretaries who can speak in the legislature for the Government, and Political Assistants who can assist the Policy Secretaries in liaising with different community groups. The system of Permanent Secretaries will stay, and the apolitical civil service will provide administrative continuity.

These steps will pave the way for the eventual return of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage. The day the Chief Executive is returned by universal suffrage, Hong Kong's constitutional system will attain maturity.

Once Chief Executive candidates have to face over 3 million voters in the election campaign, that will change Hong Kong's political landscape. Come that time, each Chief Executive candidate will have an election team to help craft the election manifesto and to secure popular support.

The candidate who wins will draw members from his election team to form the new government. Those with political party backgrounds can be considered for appointment. In time, a political coalition will emerge.

The third term HKSAR Government is committed to achieving both quantum leaps. This will set the course for Hong Kong's constitutional development for decades to come. We hope that political parties, including the opposition, will support both initiatives, so that Hong Kong's democracy can progress.